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Theories of group conflict developed in the American context rely on studies of racial conservatism, & in particular on patterns of race relations developed in the Black Belt South. These studies generally report, although often ambiguously, that whites become more hostile as black population density increases in their community & that diverse areas necessarily spawn heightened conflict. Yet patterns of hostility to African Americans have been shaped by unique historical circumstances that would not apply to other forms of intergroup relations, not even to those developed under the same political institutions. This article explores white Anglo attitudes toward & stereotypes about two other American minority groups: Hispanics & Asians. Because of immigration, both groups have grown substantially. Both also have attracted Anglo hostility. But the evidence presented here shows that white Anglos are not more likely to view Hispanics & Asians as an immigrant menace when their localized population density reaches higher levels. If anything, neighboring Anglos may be most likely to view linguistic minorities as huddled masses yearning, like them, to be free. 3 Tables, 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

A rejoinder to Micheal W. Giles & Melanie A. Buckner's response to the author's criticisms (both, 1996 [see abstracts 9713341 & 9713467, respectively]) concerning methodological errors in their study of racial threat & electoral support for David Duke in three LA elections (1993 [see abstract 9713342]). It is argued that results are not substantively the same in ordinary least squares & generalized least squares regressions & the latter provides better measures of fit. Analysis at the parish level yields more instructive individual-level data & offers additional conclusions regarding suburban voting unavailable with data clumped into metropolitan statistical areas. C. Ryan

CliffsQuickReview ™ American Government -- About the Author -- Table of Contents -- INTRODUCTION -- Why You Need This Book -- How to Use This Book -- Visit Our Web Site -- Chapter 1 THE CONSTITUTION -- The Continental Congress -- The Articles of Confederation -- The Constitutional Convention -- Key Concepts in the Constitution -- Summary of the Constitution -- The Debate over Ratification -- The Amendment Process and Bill of Rights -- Chapter 2 FEDERALISM -- Concepts of Federalism -- Defining Federal-State Relations -- Recent Trends in Federalism -- Chapter 3 CONGRESS -- The Powers of Congress -- The Organization of Congress -- How a Bill Becomes a Law -- Chapter 4 THE PRESIDENT -- The Powers of the President -- The Functions of the President -- Organization of the Executive Branch -- The Vice President and Presidential Succession -- Chapter 5 THE JUDICIARY -- The State Court System -- The Federal Court System -- The Supreme Court in Operation -- Chapter 6 THE BUREAUCRACY -- Characteristics of a Bureaucracy -- The Growth of the Federal Bureaucracy -- Controlling the Size of Bureaucracy -- The Functions of the Federal Bureaucracy -- The Structure of the Federal Bureaucracy -- Chapter 7 PUBLIC OPINION -- How Public Opinion Is Measured -- Political Socialization -- Social Background and Political Values -- Political Ideology -- How Public Opinion Is Formed -- Chapter 8 THE MASS MEDIA -- The Evolution of the Mass Media -- The Structure of the Mass Media and Government Regulation -- The Functions of the Mass Media -- The Mass Media and Political Coverage -- Chapter 9 POLITICAL PARTIES -- The Functions of Political Parties -- The Development of Political Parties -- Third Parties in American Politics -- The Structure of Political Parties -- The Strengths and Weaknesses of Political Parties -- Chapter 10 VOTING AND ELECTIONS -- The Expansion of Suffrage

New techniques of ecological inference are utilized to estimate with confidence intervals francophone support in each federal electoral district in Quebec for the pro-sovereignty side in the 1993 and 1997 Canadian general elections and the 1992 and 1995 referenda. Analyzing the link between demographic and political contextual variables and support for the sovereignty of Quebec suggests that demographic factors, such as the proportion of farmers and government workers, influence francophone voting behaviour more often than political factors such as incumbency. Unlike in many other countries with ethnically based movements, francophone support for sovereignty actually rises as the francophone portion of the population rises. This finding indicates that the contact hypothesis probably applies to the Quebec sovereignty movement.